Thursday, November 5, 2026

The discovery of a Jewish Negro League star forces a rewrite of Jewish baseball history

 The discovery of a Jewish Negro League star forces a rewrite of Jewish baseball history

As the World Series kicks off, the revelation of Oscar Levis’ heritage changes what we thought we knew about Jews in baseball.

10-22-2026-Oscal Levis

 

Oscar Levis, known early in his career as “Chick Levy,” and later as “Oscal,” was celebrated as the premier pitcher in Panama before joining the Cuban Stars and Hilldale Daisies in the Negro Leagues. (Courtesy of Zachary Kranc)

By Zachary Kranc October 23, 2026 6:00 am

For more than a century, Oscar Levis was hiding in plain sight.

He pitched a no-hitter and dominated the Cuban Winter League. He tallied five straight seasons without losing a game against one of the Northeast’s toughest white semiprofessional clubs. He was so dominant that W. Rollo Wilson, the preeminent Black sportswriter of his era, held him up as a benchmark of pitching excellence — the kind of player a younger star would aspire to equal. 

For all of that, Oscar Levis does not appear on any official roster of Jewish major leaguers.

The reason is straightforward and ugly: the Negro Leagues — the professional leagues Black players built and played in after being barred from the White major leagues — were not recognized as major leagues until 2020.

The son of a Jewish father from Jamaica whose family roots stretched through the Caribbean back to Portugal, Levis carried a Jewish identity that his world did not know how to fully accommodate — and that baseball history, until now, did not know how to find.

I reviewed digitized editions of The Gleaner, Jamaica’s newspaper of record, which confirmed DaCosta Levy’s public prominence — his election to the Legislative Council, his Masonic leadership, his business dealings. Jamaican civil and ecclesiastical records, accessible through genealogical archives, corroborated the synagogue marriage record for DaCosta Levy’s parents. I contacted historians specializing in Caribbean Jewish history, including Stanley Mirvis, whose scholarship on Jamaican Jewry provided crucial context for understanding how Jewish identity operated in that world. 

I communicated directly with DaCosta Levy’s descendants, who were able to confirm, from within their own family history, what the blog commenters had suggested. And I called Shaare Shalom Synagogue in Kingston — the historic heart of Jamaica’s Sephardic Jewish community — where staff were able to confirm the existence of records connecting the Levy family to the congregation. The picture that emerged from these independent sources was consistent: DaCosta Levy was a member of Jamaica’s Jewish community, and Levis was his son.

DaCosta Levy was born in 1848 in Port St. Mary, Jamaica, to parents whose marriage is recorded in synagogue records. According to family history, DaCosta Levy’s family lineage traced to Portugal, where his ancestors had been mariners — almost certainly Sephardic Jews who scattered across the Atlantic world after the Inquisition. By the late 19th century, DaCosta Levy had built a prosperous mercantile firm, Levy Brothers & Company, that imported goods from the United States and England. He was elected to Jamaica’s Legislative Council for St. Mary’s Parish. He was also a Worshipful Master of the Caledonian Masonic Lodge, helped found Jamaica’s Masonic Benevolence Association, and served as a justice of the peace. A 1919 article in the Kingston Daily Gleaner, written when DaCosta Levy was living in Panama, called him “the oldest foreign Mason on the Isthmus” and praised him for “faithful services.” 

Levis’ mother, Theodosia Foreman, was a Black Jamaican woman who worked as a dressmaker. The union between DaCosta Levy and Foreman was not uncommon in the Caribbean Jewish world of the era. Mirvis has explained that relationships between Jewish men and women of color were relatively widespread in Jamaica and throughout the Caribbean, shaped by the power dynamics of the plantation economy. The children of such relationships occupied a complicated place — neither fully inside nor fully outside the Jewish community, a status scholars have described as “peripheral inclusion.” Contemporary observers, including one 20th-century American rabbi, noted that many Black Jamaicans bore Jewish surnames and took pride in their heritage. Levis was among them.

That identity, however, needs to be understood on its own historical terms — rooted in the Caribbean Sephardic world Levis was born into, not the standards prevalent elsewhere. Mirvis has explained that Jamaica’s Jewish community in this period was composed almost entirely of former Portuguese conversos and their descendants, a population that had never developed the same rigidity around matrilineal descent that characterizes Orthodox practice. Within this particular Sephardic tradition, patrilineal descent carried more communal weight than it did elsewhere — a distinction that shaped how men like Oscar were understood by those around them. In the Caribbean context specifically — where relationships between Jewish men and women of color were common and children of those unions were frequently integrated into Jewish social and economic life, however conditionally — the boundaries of who belonged were porous in ways that defy easy categorization. 

Levis appears to have understood himself within this tradition. His family has confirmed that he was proud of his Jewish heritage and aware of it throughout his life, though he rarely foregrounded it publicly — a pattern consistent with Black Jews of the period, who frequently navigated skepticism from both White Jewish communities and the broader Black community.  Jewish Baseball News — an independent organization that maintains the definitive roster of Jewish players in professional baseball — applies a deliberately inclusive standard. “We define the term ‘Jewish’ broadly,” the organization states. “If a player has at least one Jewish parent … does not practice another faith, and is content to be identified as a Jew, we include him.” Levis had a Jewish father, was publicly identified as Jewish by contemporaries and his family confirms he was proud of that heritage throughout his life. 

Growing up on the color line

By the time Levis was a young man, his family had relocated to Panama, drawn by the economic opportunities opening up around the canal. It was a decision that shaped him as much as his father’s bloodline.

The U.S.-controlled Panama Canal Zone was a masterclass in racial hierarchy. White American workers received higher wages, better housing and superior facilities on what the system called the “gold roll.” Black workers — among them the tens of thousands drawn from Jamaica and Barbados to perform the most grueling excavation labor — were paid lower wages, housed in substandard quarters, and segregated at pay windows, hospitals, and schools. Levis, known locally as “Chick Levy,” would have understood the color line intimately before he ever set foot in the United States.

Oscar Levis — known in Panama as “Chick Levy” — returned to pitch for a combined Panama-West Indian All-Star Team. A sidearm hurler with a devastating spitball, he was described as “unhittable” and “a terror to all bat carriers who faced him.” (Courtesy Zachary Kranc)

Despite those conditions, it was in Panama that he became a baseball star. He emerged as the premier pitcher on the isthmus, a “popular figure in the baseball world” celebrated for his dominance of the local clubs. Even after his American career took off, Levis returned in 1923 to pitch for a combined Panama–West Indian All-Star team before massive crowds at Balboa Stadium. Two years later, the Panamanian government awarded him a medal for his baseball achievements, and in the 1930s, he was offered – but declined – the opportunity to coach Panama’s national team for the Central American Olympics.

The Cuban stars and a career in the shadows

Levis arrived in New York in 1918. By 1921, Alex Pompez — the Cuban-American entrepreneur who owned the Cuban Stars and would eventually be inducted into the Baseball Hall of Fame — had recruited him to join the team. Levis became one of the first non-Cuban international players in the Negro leagues, and one of their most effective pitchers.

What followed was a career of genuine distinction. Levis pitched in the Negro leagues for the Cuban Stars (East) and the Hilldale

In 2020, Major League Baseball officially recognized the Negro Leagues as major leagues, and in 2024 incorporated their statistics into its historical record. By that accounting, Levis pitched in 102 major league games and accumulated a career WAR (wins above replacement) of 12.9, which ranks eighth all-time among Jewish pitchers: Sandy Koufax (48.9), Max Fried (32.3), Ken Holtzman (27.3), Dave Roberts (23.6), Barney Pelty (19.2), Steve Stone (17.1) and Erskine Mayer (13.5).

Based on his officially recognized statistics alone, Levis had the most successful professional career of any Jewish player in the 1920s.

Hidden in plain sight

What makes Levis’ story even more compelling is that his Jewish identity was not entirely hidden — it surfaced in scattered notices buried in the newspaper record.

Figure 1 A 1926 newspaper excerpt identifying Levis as a “Spanish Jew.”

His Jewish identity was occasionally acknowledged in the press but never became a sustained part of his public story, as it might have if he had played in the white major leagues. (Courtesy Zachary Kranc)

 

In 1926, after Max Rosner — the Jewish immigrant who owned the rival white semi-pro team the Brooklyn Bushwicks — signed Levis’ naturalization papers, a Brooklyn newspaper ran the headline: “Oscal, Cuban Pitcher, Is a Spanish Jew.” The following year, a New York sportswriter named Aloysious Palma made the point plainly. John McGraw, manager of the (baseball) Giants, had recently signed a Jewish infielder named Andy Cohen specifically to attract Jewish fans to the Polo Grounds. Palma wrote that Levis had the talent and ability to pitch for the New York Giants — that he should have been McGraw’s Jewish star. He was the right religion. He had the right arm. He was the wrong color.

New York sportswriter Aloysious Palma named Oscal Levis “one of the greatest Hebrew players” in 1927 (Courtesy Zachary Kranc)

A third article, published during his managerial tenure in the 1930s, again noted his Sephardic Jewish heritage. “Oscal Levis, pitcher and manager,” the Brooklyn Times Union reported, was “of Spanish-Jewish extraction.”

Taken together, the three articles form a quiet paper trail — Levis’ Jewish identity was occasionally noted, but never coherently recognized or integrated into the broader baseball record.

He was neither the mainstream white Jewish player typically celebrated in the New York press, nor the Black player whose Jewish identity was fully acknowledged and chronicled in the Black press. He belonged to both worlds, an identity for which mainstream America had no framework.

Oscar Levis in his managerial years, leading a revived Cuban Stars squad from 1933 to 1937. Because he was fluent in both English and Spanish, he served as a cultural bridge between his Latin American players and the English-speaking world around them. (Courtesy of Zachary Kranc)

Harlem, and the life after

When Levis’ playing and managing days ended, he built a second life in Harlem, New York. He and his wife, Lovana, operated Chick’s Bar and Grill on Seventh Avenue — a short walk from the Apollo Theater — for 35 years, making it a mainstay of the neighborhood. He served as chairman of the Harlem Riverside Tavern Owners Association, raising money for hospitals, the YMCA, the Police Athletic League and the Boy Scouts. He organized interracial boxing events at the Golden Gate Arena to keep youth out of trouble. And he was a 33rd-degree Prince Hall Freemason — the highest rank of the Scottish Rite — following directly in the tradition of his father, who had served as Worshipful Master of a Masonic lodge in Jamaica.

But even in retirement, Levis never left the game of baseball. Friends recalled that he loved to “stick his finger in the baseball pie whenever he got a chance.” He returned to Cuba just to sit in the stands “day and night.” 

He was also, in his own quiet way, a witness to the great transformation of the sport he had played under the cruelest constraints. As chairman of the Jackie Robinson Day Committee, Levis helped organize the celebration and personally presented the ceiling-shattering Black major leaguer with gifts from fans across the country. New York Amsterdam News reporter George Palmer captured what the day meant to him:

“He claims that one of his biggest thrills was Jackie Robinson Day — when he had the chance to see how the public took to Jackie. He, as a former ball player, knew the hardships and obstacles which Jackie had to overcome to reach the top. To him, Jackie Robinson’s Day was what every colored ball player dreams about — so much so that it was like a dream come true.”

A name that belongs on the list

In 1943, Rollo Wilson wrote a column pushing back against the habit of comparing Black ballplayers to white stars. The “Black Babe Ruth” formulation, he argued, was both lazy and diminishing — to the player being praised and to the tradition being ignored. Black baseball had produced its own immortals, and Wilson listed Oscar Levis among them. To be considered their equal, Wilson wrote, was a standard worth chasing for any young baseball star.

Just as Wilson named Levis among the immortals of Black baseball, this research names him among the greats of Jewish baseball. His inclusion changes the historical record — and adds a dimension to the story of Jewish contributions to the game that has long been hiding in plain sight.

He was one of the finest pitchers of his era. He was Black and he was Jewish. And for a century, baseball didn’t have the categories to say so.

It does now.

 

Wednesday, October 28, 2026

Jewish Historical Society of Trenton Administrative Records and Historical Collections

 Jewish Historical Society of Trenton Administrative Records and Historical Collections (ca. 1880-2006) By Kate McGuire, May 2004 (series A & B) & Ellen R. Callahan, November 2020 (series C-AL) Institutional History The roots of the Jewish Historical Society (JHS) can be found in the 1954-1955 nationwide observance of the American Jewish Tercentenary commemorating the anniversary of the Jews’ arrival in New Amsterdam, now New York. Like many communities across America, Trenton formed a Committee of 300, and developed a yearlong celebration culminating in a successful historical pageant presented to almost 5,000 people in Cadwalader Park. During the planning for this celebration, organizers raised money not just for the Tercentenary but for the publication of a history of Trenton Jewry. 1 Despite the initial enthusiasm however, the book was not written. In late 1962, Bernard and Jessica Alexander sought to revitalize this plan by gathering many of those who had been part of the Committee of 300 to help fulfill this promise by creating the Jewish Historical Society of Trenton. On November 20, 1962, a group met at Adath Israel Synagogue, adopted a constitution and by-laws, and elected their officers: Judge Sidney Goldmann, President; Rabbi S. Joshua, Vice President; Jessica Alexander, Secretary; and Sol Phillips Perlman, Treasurer. The 1962 Constitution set the Society’s objectives as “the collection, preservation and publication of materials relating to the settlement and history of Jews in Trenton and vicinity, and the publication and popularization of information and materials relating to the history of the Jews of New Jersey.” These efforts, however, stalled until 1975 when the upcoming American Bicentennial spurred new interest, and a period of activity began. Major goals for this renewed iteration of the Society were, again, the production of a history of the Trenton Jewish community, creation of a repository for resources and historical material collected, and the building of community support. Members began giving presentations on the history of Trenton’s Jews and a room was 1See Series V – American Jewish Tercentenary below for more information. reserved for the Society’s use at the Jewish Community Center. JHS reached out to the many Jewish community groups, encouraging them to write their own histories and to select someone to help coordinate with JHS in its goal to gather information. The newly elected Vice President, Harry Gerofsky, began his research through newspapers, court records and deeds to develop an exhibit, Trenton Jewish Enterprises of Yesteryear, and a slide show, Union Street Revisited. It was also during the late 1970s that Dr. Milton Feinberg and Rita Allen “cataloged” the collections of Nathan Kramer. While attempts to raise money for the publication of the book failed (requests to both the Jewish Federation of Trenton in 1976 and 1988, and to the National Endowment for the Humanities in 1980 and 1981), the group carried on with lectures on Jewish life in Trenton and JHS-sponsored bus trips until about 1987 when, once again, the organization appeared to have gone dormant. In 1992, a new Jewish Historical Society of Greater Trenton was formed with Herbert Spiegle as president and Orvill “Ozzie” Zuckerman as vice president. Their mission was to “foster a sense of pride in the areas Jewish heritage … (and) to preserve and maintain an archival collection.” Presentations and exhibits were to be an important part of this new Society. At this point, a search for the collection “stored in wet basements and hot attics” began and a new period of productivity was set in motion. Zuckerman took the lead in interviewing some of the older Jews of Trenton and the surrounding area, as well as the children and grandchildren of some of the earlier Jewish settlers and entrepreneurs. These recordings were used to produce Zuckerman’s chronicle of Jewish life in the various newspaper articles he wrote from 1993 to 2006. The call for information and memorabilia was met with an enthusiastic response and once again, the Society began to actively collect, having gained office space at Woodbrook House at 865 Lower Ferry Road in Ewing. This last incarnation of JHS remained active until about 1998, collecting materials, sponsoring lectures, and presenting programs based on research they had gathered. Then, in a February 12, 1999 letter to members, Zuckerman (who was by then president of the Society) reported that “While the volume of materials being placed in our hands for archival storage and cataloguing has kept a steady pace, outside presentations were very limited due to illness by some of our board of directors and volunteers.” By the following year, the Society’s board voted to transfer the collection to the Trenton Free Public Library’s Trentoniana Department. Bibliography Trenton Free Public Library. Trentoniana Department. Jewish Historical Society of Trenton Administrative Records and Historical Collections. Series A - Jewish Historical Society Administrative Records, 1962-1999. Scope and Contents Note This collection consists of the administrative records of the Jewish Historical Society of Trenton, research or subject files of information gathered by their members as well as records of Jewish organizations and individuals. Though the collection spans between about the 1880s to 2006, much of the earliest material is in the form of copies of newspaper articles. Record types Page 2 of 61 and formats vary from series-to-series as described below, but broadly include minutes, newsletters, newspaper articles, copies of newspaper articles and obituaries, correspondence, printed reports, event programs, and scrapbooks. Audio visual formats include taped oral histories or interviews (many of which have been digitized and made available online with transcription summaries – see https://trentonlib.org/trentoniana/oral-histories/), VHS tapes, reel to-reel audio tapes, and some slides, photographic prints, and negatives. In addition, there are some artifacts including yarmulkes, awards, plaques and clothing. The collection consists of 50 boxes and 9 oversized items. The material is divided into 38 series as outlined in the chart below. This collection focuses on the vibrant Jewish community of Trenton that began around 1850, flourished until the late 1970s and then eventually faded as more Jewish families moved out to the surrounding suburbs and beyond. It provides information about the life of Jewish immigrants, their children, and grandchildren, as they worked to become part of the Trenton community while maintaining their religious and cultural identity. It also provides insight into the activities of major Trenton Jewish organizations including the Jewish Federation of Trenton, the Jewish Community Center of Trenton, the 300 Committee of Trenton which planned celebrations for the American Jewish Tercentenary (1954-1955), various synagogues, social clubs and the Trenton Hebrew Academy.  

Exploring Trenton’s ‘Jewtown’

 

Exploring Trenton’s ‘Jewtown’

Authors and historians discover and document community’s rich past

The dry goods store owned by Art Finkle’s grandfather, Sam Finkle, who began as a peddler and had a store on Union Street before moving to this location, the corner of Willow and Spring Streets.
The dry goods store owned by Art Finkle’s grandfather, Sam Finkle, who began as a peddler and had a store on Union Street before moving to this location, the corner of Willow and Spring Streets.

While doing archival research as chair of the revitalized Trenton Jewish Historical Society, Arthur Finkle, 75, whose roots in the community reach back three generations, realized that no one had documented the history of the city’s Jews.

So he set out to do just that. 

Finkle, a history buff, told NJJN, “Here is a community that knew itself, and there was nothing written about it, so I wrote it.” The book that grew out of Finkle’s research, Trenton’s Jews: Beginning, Adaptation and Achieving the American Dream, was published this year by Hadassa Word Press. 

The first Jews in Trenton were Sephardim fleeing the Spanish Inquisition; the next wave, between 1820 and 1850, were the German Jews; and finally, between 1881 and 1914, the Russians and Eastern Europeans. The first Trenton synagogue was Har Sinai Hebrew Congregation, founded by German Jews in 1858. In 1883, Congregation Brothers of Israel (now in Newtown, Pa.) was incorporated, followed in 1891 by its offshoot, Anshe Emes.

By 1888, the city boasted 12 kosher butchers, and, according to Finkle’s book, by 1907, “Trenton’s Jews numbered approximately 4,000 souls”: 700 German Jews, 250 Hungarian Jews, and a little more than 3,000 Russian Jews. In 1909, the Hungarian Jews founded Ahavath Israel, which joined the Conservative movement in 1915. 

Finkle is not the only one whose interest has led to an exploration of the history of the small, interconnected sub-city known among its denizens as “Jewtown” — an affectionate sobriquet that only insiders are entitled to use. Albert Stark, whose great-grandfather was the first Orthodox rabbi in Trenton, has written a novel set in the Trenton he grew up in, and Ed Alpern, a native of King of Prussia, Pa., who discovered Trenton in the old photos that lined the walls of the JCC of Princeton Mercer Bucks when it was in Ewing, has documented its history using videos.

Finkle’s family arrived during the Russian immigration. His great-grandfather was a community activist: president of Brothers of Israel from 1890 to 1900, and later president of Anshe Emes. His grandfather founded the Jewish Republican Club and Trenton’s Talmud Torah. That’s history, but, Finkle joked, “My family also told me lots of other bubbe meises, but I straightened that out as I researched.”

His strictly observant grandfather remained a member of Anshe Emes, Finkle said. His father, Lou, and his Uncle Al were active in Trenton politics. His father did public relations for the Democratic machine. 

Growing up, Finkle recalled, family members would get together every week. “Many of us gathered on Shabbos, went to shul [at Adath Israel], and came home to my grandparents’ house. Jewishness was the theme. 

“From the turn of the century to 1920,” said Finkle, “Jews married within the faith and within the city, and as a result you got a provincial city where everyone is kind of related to one another.”

During his many years blowing the shofar on the High Holy Days for Har Sinai Temple (now in Pennington) and other Reform congregations, Finkle widened his knowledge of the largely German Reform Jews who immigrated to the United States and Trenton in the 1850s. The German Jews, he said, “created their own adaptation to Judaism,” the American branch of Reform Judaism, in 1873. Har Sinai became Reform only in 1920.

Finkle explained that he had two goals for his book: “Historical archiving — just to say this community existed and this is what it was like — and this was the journey of an immigrant from peddler to store owner to professional.”

An interesting thing he shared from his research was that the 1924 U.S. Immigration Act devised a quota system based on the ethnic composition of the population according to the 1890 census, “so people who immigrated subsequently were not counted.” The consequence of this “nativist” act, for Jews leaving Europe seeking better economic opportunities, he said, meant that many had to go to Canada, which had a more open immigration policy until the 1930s.

Citing several of his research findings that he found of particular significance, Finkle noted “the relative closeness of the Trenton community and the marriages between families.” He said there was little ideological dissension regarding the growing Zionist movement. And, the “differences in denominations [were] homogenized in the YMHA and YWHA” on Stockton Street (the Ewing JCC opened in 1955).

Jewish Trenton also had its own sports hero, six-foot-six Mike Bloom, “a fantastic basketball player that nobody knows about because he was in another era,” Finkle said. While Bloom was at Trenton High School in the late ’20s and early ’30s, the team won the state championship every year. At Temple University, his team won the National Invitational Tournament. Bloom played pro basketball for the American Basketball Association until 1936, when the National Basketball Association was created. 

“They didn’t score much in those days, and he might have averaged 11 points a game,” Finkle said. There was no time clock, and, up until 1936, after every basket was a tip-off, where two players threw up the ball between them, each trying to tap the ball to a teammate. “Bloom was six-foot-six, and he got all the tip-offs,” Finkle said. 

Stark, an attorney, told NJJN that his great-grandfather Samuel Meyer Stark was the first Orthodox rabbi in Trenton, at Brothers of Israel. The Vilnius native arrived in the Lower East Side in 1878, and initially came to Trenton to purchase pottery to peddle in New York. There he met nine German-Jewish families and began ministering to them in their homes in 1883. After he died in 1889, the congregation supported his two sons and daughter until 1903, when the two brothers went to New York to earn money for their mother and sister. 

Returning to Trenton after three years, Stark’s grandfather, Louis, opened a grocery with partners Bill and Stan Barlow and worked there until the business closed in 1935 during the Depression. Louis Stark then became an entrepreneur for the rest of his life.

Stark’s father, Sidney, an attorney, served on Har Sinai’s board and as its vice president. The family lived in West Trenton until moving to Lawrenceville in the late 1950s when Albert was in college. In Trenton, he remembers, “we walked everywhere. I went to Junior 3. It was great growing up in Trenton. We had a neighborhood that was predominantly Jewish but was very mixed. We were the middle-class kids; the rich kids lived in Hiltonia, the downtown kids on Market and Lambert streets. We all went to the YMHA on Stockton Street — that’s where the Jewish social life was, and at Har Sinai and Adath on Belleview and the three shuls in the Market Street area.”

Stark graduated from a totally integrated Trenton High School, a melting pot with blacks, Italians, Poles, Irish, and Jews. Not surprisingly, Stark said he was taken aback when, in 1956, he went to a youth group meeting at an Alabama shul, and a little red-haired girl with blue eyes said to him, “We like our segregation — you can have your integration up north.”

Stark recently published a novel, The Statement (Outskirts Press, 2016) which, he said, is “a fictional account of what it was like in Trenton during the civil rights era, ’68 to ’72, after the riots”; another goal of the book was “to advocate against the death penalty.” 

In his novel, Stark said, the 15-year-old protagonist, Lester Gold, watches his father being murdered and then the police manipulate him into giving a statement against a black activist and troublemaker, who ends up on death row. “Lester realized he didn’t tell the truth, but it wasn’t all Lester’s fault. The story is about how he manned up, how he lived with this heartache, and became a newspaper reporter at The Trentonian,” Stark said. 

In researching his great-grandfather, Stark used many documents in the Trentoniana collection on the history of Trenton and Trenton Jews. He also suggested that the adjacent Jewish cemeteries, for the Reform Har Sinai Temple and the Orthodox Brothers of Israel, were an important historical source. “On one side are the German Jews — old Trenton — then a hedge, and on the left side of the hedge were the newcomers,” said Stark, whose great-grandfather was the second person to be buried in a Brothers of Israel plot. 

Alpern, a video producer/director/storyteller who became an amateur historian, moved to Pennington in the late ’90s. In 1999, when his kids were going to the old JCC in Ewing, he noticed pictures on the wall of Trenton old-timers. Because they were getting yellow and dog-eared, Alpern scanned them all. Many of the photos had been donated by Ben Olinsky, coach of the Ewing JCC’s Biddy League basketball. 

Alpern then got in touch with Olinsky, whose health was poor, and interviewed him on video. One story Olinsky shared was that his wife, Muriel Schultz, had challenged him to a free-throw shooting contest and won, which was why he “had to marry her.” Two days after Alpern completed the video a year later, Olinsky died, and Alpern gave the video to his wife.

One thing led to another, and Schultz came to Alpern’s home for a Passover seder in 2009. She “told stories about the wonderful place Trenton was: the neighborhoods, the smells, the stores,” said Alpern. Schultz then invited him to come with her and Mark Litowitz, a former judge, to see the materials that Ozzie Zuckerman (see sidebar) had donated to the Trentoniana collection at the Trenton Public Library.

Alpern remembered the Trentoniana curator, Wendy Nardi, pulling out a picture of Jimmy Carter with a woman. Alpern said, “Mark looks up and says, ‘Oh, that’s my wife, Selma Litowitz, who taught at Lawrence High; she was Jon Stewart’s favorite teacher when he was growing up.’

At that point, Alpern started publishing a blog, trentonjewishproject.blogspot.com. “People came out of the woodwork and would respond to me,” he said. 

Alpern got an e-mail from David Weinstein, a rabbi and klezmer musician in New Zealand; his father, Sol Weinstein, had grown up in Trenton, was a reporter for The Trentonian, and later wrote the “Loxfinger” series, about agent Oy Oy 7, a satire of Ian Fleming’s secret agent 007, James Bond. Weinstein later wrote episodes of the TV shows Love, American Style and The Jeffersons and wrote a song for Bobby Darin.

While interviewing Rutgers history professor Michael Aaron Rockland, Alpern asked what killed “Jewtown.” Rockland’s answer was simple: “prosperity.” Jews thrived and eventually moved into the surrounding areas, and, in a touch of irony, bought the bankrupt Greenacres Country Club, a “restricted” club that had not allowed Jews to become members.

Alpern is still taken with Trenton and said he has lots of material that he hasn’t put together or released. “I still have a goal to do some kind of a movie,” he said.